Louisiana revised statutes

Solar Nevada

2016.08.22 21:10 IrishDemon Solar Nevada

Information and discussion about solar projects and regulations in the state of Nevada.

2019.12.25 14:59 batmansmotorcycle New Hampshire Sports Betting

A sub dedicated to discussion of Sports Betting in NH.

2014.02.24 19:43 Missouri Politics: A place for all things political in Missouri

/MissouriPolitics is a subreddit devoted to all things political in Missouri. State governments don't get the same level of coverage as Washington, DC, but the effect that they have can often be much greater.

2023.03.28 14:07 ButtocksMcBackside Left lane for passing only (exception?)

This rule does not apply to arterials in urban districts, correct? I’m talking about roads with multiple city bus stops, a bike lane, pedestrian crossings, densely flanked by business and driveways, with lower speed limits, between 35-45 MPH. I’ve consulted the LA drivers handbook, which only mentions the left lane rule in the chapter on interstate highway driving. I’ve also looked through LA’s revised statutes, Section 32, but I found nothing that addresses multilane etiquette in an urban setting. Hoping for well-sourced facts to settle this once and for all. I’ve taken some abuse from a couple of users who vehemently disagree with me and have even told me that I am a danger to other drivers because of my belief regarding this.
submitted by ButtocksMcBackside to Louisiana [link] [comments]

2023.03.28 08:43 KellinQuinn__ HR.129: Accountability for Deprivation of Rights by Government Officers Act of 2023


To amend section 1979 of the Revised Statutes to provide accountability to Federal, State, and local government officers for deprivation of rights of citizens under the Constitution and remove qualified immunity and absolute prosecutorial immunity for Federal, State, and local officers
MARCH 8, 2023
Mr. Ninjjadragon (for himself), introduced the following bill; which was subsequently referred to the House of Representatives:
To amend section 1979 of the Revised Statutes to provide accountability to Federal, State, and local government officers for deprivation of rights of citizens under the Constitution and remove qualified immunity and absolute prosecutorial immunity for Federal, State, and local officers
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
(a) This Act may be cited as the “Accountability for Deprivation of Rights by Government Officers Act of 2023”.
(b) This Act shall come into effect thirty days upon its passing into law.
(c) If any provision of this Act is ruled unconstitutional or otherwise unenforceable, the rest of the Act shall pass into law.
Section 1979 of the Revised Statutes (42 USC § 1983) shall be amended to read:
“(a) Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of the United States or any State or Territory or the District of Columbia, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress, except that in any action brought against a judicial officer for an act or omission taken in such officer's judicial capacity, injunctive relief shall not be granted unless a declaratory decree was violated or declaratory relief was unavailable.
“(b) Nothing in this section shall be construed to an exception from liability to a party injured in violation of subsection (a) of this section to any executive officer of the United States or any State or Territory or the District of Columbia involved at any point in the criminal process, including law enforcement and prosecutors.
“(c) If any person acting under color of law subjects or causes to be subjected any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, the public employer of that person shall be jointly and severally liable to the party injured for the conduct of its employee in an action at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress, regardless of whether a policy or custom of the public employer caused the violation.
“(d) For the purposes of this section, any Act of Congress applicable exclusively to the District of Columbia shall be considered to be a statute of the District of Columbia.”
submitted by KellinQuinn__ to ModelUSGov [link] [comments]

2023.03.27 18:22 Apprehensive-Sun1215 SENTENCING COMMISSION ROCKET DOCKET

Showing that a prisoner has an ‘extraordinary and compelling’ reason for grant of compassionate release (CR) is critical to getting a sentence reduction grant under 18 USC 3582(c)(1)(A). That statute also requires that any grant be consistent with “applicable policy statements” of the US Sentencing Commission.
The USSC has one policy statement (USSG 1B1.13) addressing compassionate release, adopted well before the CR statute was changed by the First Step Act. The same month First Step passed (Dec 2018), the USSC lost its quorum as members’ terms expired. That condition lasted until last summer, when President Biden nominated a complete slate of new members.
Without a quorum, the USSC could not modify 1B1.13 to account for all the changes in the revised 3582(c)(1)(A). Almost all courts responded by holding that the old 1B1.13 was no longer an “applicable policy statement” and that it didn’t bind the courts. In a way, that was liberating to the people filing CR motions, because courts were freed from 1B1.13’s restrictive definition of what constituted “extraordinary and compelling” reasons.
But without a USSC policy statement moderating district court responses, CR grants since 2019 have been characterized by wide disparity. In Oregon, for instance, about 70% of filings have been granted. In ED Texas, on the other hand, only about 1.5% have been granted.
The new USSC said last its top priority was to amend 1B1.13, and in January, the Commission issued a draft 1B1.13 for public comment that contained some very prisoner-friendly proposals and options. The public comment period ended two weeks ago, with over 1,600 pages of comments on the CR proposal alone.
The USSC usually rolls out its proposal Guidelines amendments by May 1. Under 28 USC 994(p), the amendments go to Congress, which then has 180 days to reject them. If Congress does nothing (which is almost always the case), the changes become effective.
But this new USSC is in a hurry to get things done. Last week, the Commission announced an April 5 meeting at which the final 1B1.13 (and all of the other draft proposed amendments) will be adopted. If they go to Congress that day, the amendments could become effective as early as Monday, Oct 2.
USSC, Public Meeting – April 5, 2023 (March 24)
The LISA Newsletter is copyright 2023, LISA Foundation, PO Box 636, Norwalk OH 44857.
Your family may read our newsletter online at www.lisa-legalinfo.com. If you want to receive the newsletter, send a Corrlinks invitation to [email protected].
If you have a question, please send a new email to [email protected]
submitted by Apprehensive-Sun1215 to firststepact [link] [comments]

2023.03.25 23:45 gayifer [QCrit] JOSEPHINE, Literary Fiction (89k)

This is my revised query letter. My first attempt is here: https://www.reddit.com/PubTips/comments/1051gp4/qcrit_josephine_literary_fiction_89k/
Dear Agent,
Josephine Trovare has never been able to stray too far from home despite the bittersweet feelings she has attached to the place. Between the untouched room of her late sister Catherine and her estranged sister Emily’s recent return, she knows it is a lot less complicated to just stay at Rutgers University, where she just began her senior year of college. Yet, when her first girlfriend dumps her, Josephine doesn’t think twice before taking the quick ride back to the comfort of the only place she’s ever called home.
So, when her parents announce they are putting the house up for sale, Josephine suffers a second heartbreak that day. In an effort to cheer Josephine up, Emily suggests they unearth the time capsule they buried in the backyard with Catherine as kids. Inside, the sisters find a letter from Catherine requesting they fulfill her dying wish- to go on a road trip to Kentwood, Louisiana, the hometown of their idol Britney Spears.
Despite her hesitations, Josephine agrees to go on the trip with hopes that it will distance her from her ex and bring her closer to her sisters she hardly knows.
Josephine is literary fiction complete at 89,000 words. It will appeal to audiences who are looking for a story with the same type of references to lesbian and pop culture ala Girls Can Kiss Now by Jill Gutowitz led by an equally obsessive main character of that in Pizza Girl by Jean Kyoung Frazier.
I am a debut novelist who once went semi-viral for being a lesbian in a “Billy on the Street” segment with Mariah Carey. If that isn’t the most terminally online, queer millennial sentence you’ve ever read, I don’t know what is.
Thank you so much for your consideration.
submitted by gayifer to PubTips [link] [comments]

2023.03.23 03:03 Guilty_Chemistry9337 I was Shooting B-roll for a Found Footage Horror Film. The Horror Found Me Instead.

I used to like making found footage horror films, as a hobby back when I was a kid, me and my friends from high school.
It was pretty amateur stuff. We’d put them up on youtube and our friends and family would watch them, but that’s about it. Biggest one, all these years later, only has a few thousand hits and plenty of complaints in the comments. I guess what matters is we had fun doing it.
I was the tech guy and knew my way around a video camera pretty well. Audio. Special effects, which of course were as amateurish as they could get.
Andy was our writer. I remember at the time he always seemed grouchy about the whole process like he wasn’t having fun. Looking back now, I think he was probably taking the most out of his experience. He was just frustrated, I think now, because he was dissatisfied with our limitations. He wanted to write real stories, good ones, but his hands were pretty tied. Our productions were never big enough to do what he’d have liked. The stories would be how teenagers, us, were out camping in the woods, and some mysterious force would start spooking us, and then we’d tried to escape, and there’d be in-fighting because we lost the map, or whatever, then each of us would get picked off one by one until the camera ends laying on the forest floor as the last person is killed off-screen.
I guess it says something that the same basic outline is like 90% of found footage movies, and those are written by adults with million-dollar budgets. Andy just wanted more is all. He wanted our movies to be better. I respect him for that.
Mike, he was our lead actor. The most handsome of us, and the most popular at school, and he was sort of a natural. Very comfortable in front of a camera. At least he was comfortable for an amateur. When we watch our old stuff we laugh at him because of how hammy he was, not that we were any better. Ah, I can’t hold it against him. Also, his family was rich. That sort of by default made him our producer. I kinda feel bad about it now. I’d tell him what camera we’d need, and he’d tell his parents he really wanted it, and they’d spoil him, and get it with no questions asked. They must have spent thousands of bucks on him, and us by extension. We’re talking fairly early digital video cameras, all long obsolete now. I could probably shoot better on a phone. It all must be in a box in his parent’s attic, I bet.
We all went to separate colleges. We actually stayed in pretty good touch, much to our own surprise. I don’t think that would have happened if we hadn’t enjoyed the same online video games and fantasy football. That’s something we never outgrew. Even after we graduated and moved even further afield.
I’m still in videography, dabbling in graphic design. Everybody wants to be big on social media, and many of them are willing to pay for the technical stuff. Andy majored in English and now pays the bills with technical writing. Complicated stuff for the insurance industry, I’m kinda surprised he didn’t end up being a lawyer. It all sounds like legal jargon to me. He’s always written fiction as a hobby though. Mike was a business major and moved back east to upstate New York after school. He’s in finance, the same as his old man. I guess he had a lot of connections.
They both surprised me a few weeks back. They wanted to do a new movie. Andy had approached Mike and sold him on it, and now they were coming to me, still the tech guy. I’ll be honest, I was pretty skeptical at first. I had my own life, and I still liked playing games with them for a couple of hours on the weekend, making a dumb new movie like we were kids again just wasn’t on my radar.
They just asked me to read the script that Andy had written. Man, it was a real banger. Yeah, I was hooked before I even finished.
The genius of it was in its simplicity. Andy had remembered all those old limitations from when we were teens, and this time considered what sort of limitations we’d still have, and wrote his story within those limits, but still making it a good story. With every resource we had in our grasp, he found a way to use it to maximum effect. I was in.
When Andy originally started writing the script he wanted to call it “Dashcam.” There were a couple of movies with the same title that came out since, so he dropped that. For now, we’re just calling it “The Road Trip Project,” and we’ll come up with a real title later. I think that gives a lot of info on what the movie is actually going to be.
It’s going to be a road trip movie shot entirely from the dash cam of a car, cars actually, driving across the country. All of the visuals will be from dash cams. This was Andy’s solution for the common found footage problem of people always asking “why are they filming this anyway?” I always thought the ones that gave good answers to those questions were usually better. There are other advantages too. With all of the dialogue spoken out of frame, we can just record it at our leisure and I can ADR it in exactly how we want it.
As for the dialogue, it’s really good. The story’s solid, and it could have been just recorded as an audio play, like a podcast, and it still would have been a killer story. When we add it to the footage we’re going to capture with our dashcams, I think it’s going to be really something else.
As for the story, I don’t want to give too much away, and we might still revise it later. Anyway, the plot starts in Washington state with a woman, Melissa, picking up her friend Amy in her car. Now they haven’t seen each other in a while, but they used to be super good friends. We learn that Amy’s been in a very serious personal crisis, and she wants to go back to her family in upstate New York. Melissa, who’s super concerned, has been willing to help her, and drive her across the country. If not the full way, she’ll help Amy get there. They have other friends along the way they plan to visit, and maybe they can help too. The mountain passes are experiencing a snowstorm, so they drive south through California before heading East. It ends up being a pretty meandering route, especially when things start getting weird.
So the personal crisis is that Amy’s fallen in with a cult. She was always suspicious but now she’s learned they are dangerous and is trying to escape. Her parents back east have agreed to take her back, and she’s happy about it because it’s far away from the cult.
She doesn’t expect the cult is actually after her until some creepy experiences in act I. There’s a car that keeps passing them, then slowing down, forcing them to pass, and so on. Harassing them until they can get away. After that, both characters get really paranoid.
It wasn’t just a weirdo sex cult either. They were into the occult and slowly but surely things start getting paranormal. Like at different times they try to find channels on the radio, and they keep coming across one of those creepy radio preachers, ranting about the end of the world. And no matter how far they drive, they keep finding the same preacher’s voice, which shouldn’t be possible because it should get out of range.
In Act 2, there’s a scene where they get lost in a modern American suburb, looking for an address they’re supposed to find. You know, big lawns, McMansions, picket fences. But then they realize there’s something wrong and it’s become this labyrinth that they literally can’t escape. Like the roads themselves are changing as they’re driving. I think I know how to do it too. There’s a technique the big studios use when they want to stitch together multiple jump cuts to make the audience think it’s all one long take. It will probably be the trickiest shot of the film, but if I can pull it off we’re gold.
It was Mike who landed us the big finale set piece. Again, I don’t want to give away all of it. So the protagonists, and they’ve picked up a couple of friends along the way at this point, are finally in upstate New York and they’re taking the road they think leads to their final destination. Except instead of the family home, it’s this old abandoned trailer park. You know, lots of little roads, cul-de-sacs, etc. Then all of a sudden these freaky cultists come pouring out of the trailers and charge at the car.
Mike has a business partner who owns some property, including a trailer park. It’s been abandoned and run down for a few years as some lawsuits got settled, and it’s scheduled to be demolished next year. So we’ve got time and permission to film there. Also between his pickleball league and his wife’s church group, there’s a bunch of volunteers happy to play as extras for one night of shooting. I took a look at the property’s layout, and I’ve managed to work out a sequence where the characters in the car get stuck in a dead-end, peel out, have to do a three-point turn, all while people are rushing at them from all different directions. I can make a couple of dozen extras look like hundreds. And I can do the whole thing in one crazy single take, no cuts.
So Andy, with help from Mike, has made a great story. I really want to pull my weight and deliver on the visuals. I think a cross-country road trip will be great for that. We’ll have coastal highways, redwoods, L.A. sprawl, sweeping desert landscapes, mountain vistas, Midwest cornfields, Louisiana bayous, Appalachia ridges, downtown Manhattan. It’s not going to all just be famous things we’ve all seen before, but really pretty stuff that’s never been on film before.
I can do all the location scouting from my own home with street view on Google Earth. Between the three of us, we know people all over the country, so we don’t even have to film in these places ourselves. We can just send our friends a dashcam, a couple hundred bucks for the effort, listing in the credits, and they can just go for drives in their own areas and send us the footage when we’re done. That will save the budget a fortune.
We’re going to have scenes where the characters grab the camera and switch cars. Or split up and ride in different cars with different cameras, some of which don’t have mics. Not being able to hear during these sequences will add to the tension. There’s a scene where the characters call the cops, and we get a brief scene from the dashcam of a cop car. I’m not sure exactly how I’ll add a red and blue strobe effect to the footage, but I’m sure I can figure it out. It’s not like we need an actual cop car. The best part for the budget is we won’t even need to get any filming licenses. Public roads, private cars, the whole thing guerilla footage.
Now here’s the thing, I’m quite certain it is going to make good horror too. Because there are few things creepier than dashcam footage filmed at night, when all you can see are two weak pools of lights from your car, on a little dirt road, tall grass by the side, and there could be anything lurking just out of range, down that road. “No Through Road,” “You Are On Your Fastest Available Route,” “With a Friend Like Harry,” other horror films have done it before and to really great effect. Yet none of them have really showcased it the way we intend to. I hope you appreciate why I’m so excited about the project
So The Road Trip Project is still in pre-production. We’re writing contracts, casting our voice actors, that kind of thing. We’re coordinating a few weeks' vacation and I’m going to fly out to New York for the few things we really do need to be together on. All in all, it’s coming together pretty well. I’m really hyped about it though, so I thought I could bide my time by shooting some B-roll.
You’re familiar with B-roll, right? Some people dismiss it as filler, but it has an important role. After big intense suspense or action scenes, you need a chance to catch your breath and calm down. Alternatively, you need it before those big action scenes to lull you into a false sense of security, or even hype the tension because you know something is going to happen. It doesn’t have to be boring, you just want to have ups and downs.
I currently make my home in the Willamette Valley of Oregon. If you’ve ever been there, you probably passed through on the Interstate. I can’t fault you if you don’t remember it, it’s got to be the single most boring drive on the entire west coast. Flat, straight, little to see besides farmers’ fields, like a section of the Midwest was picked up and set down here. Now that in and of itself is a good thing. Some of it is so generic that any B-roll I shoot here can substitute for just about any state in the Road Trip Project, barring something like desert landscapes.
There’s something else too, I’ve known it since I moved here, but I didn’t really appreciate it until I installed my dashcam and started driving everywhere. Parts of the Willamette Valley are drop-dead gorgeous. They must have run the interstate through the most boring part. Now the freeway bisects the valley straight up the middle. Yet there are a couple of really big, and several small rivers meandering through the valley, and there are only so many bridges. This means there are surprisingly large sections that are only seldom visited. Nothing’s very far as the crow flies, but to get there in a car requires taking the right exit, the right bridge, and the right winding country road. So the only people that might live all the way out in these sections are maybe a few farmers and recluses. There’d be countless places I could explore, and no end to the footage I could get.
My plan was straightforward. Get home from work, have dinner, then head out about an hour before sunset. Golden hour. Then I’d head back home after dark, to get some of that spooky nighttime driving footage. I thought that would all look the same, but I had surprises there too.
I have to say, even just for B-roll, the footage I was getting was fantastic. Beautifully rolling gentle hills. Forest-covered buttes that stuck up out of the farmer’s pastures like islands out of the ocean. Giant spindly oak trees reach out over the road. Decrepit old abandoned barns. More old-timey covered bridges than you’d think still existed. Hazelnut orchards.
Have you ever seen hazelnut orchards? They use a dwarf variety, I guess that makes them easier to harvest, growing to about twenty feet high. But they grow them in tight rows, real thick, and even on the sunniest summer day the shade beneath the trees is so dark it may as well be night. When the light hits them just right at the end of the day, they’re just about the creepiest patches of trees you can imagine.
The light I was capturing was really fantastic too. Sometimes the whole sky would be lit in reds and pinks. I caught several towering thunderheads, purple-black against a sky turning blue to gold. There would be birch windbreaks that seemed to glow the second before the sun disappeared in the west. There are patches of fields that would range from dark brown to an almost fluorescent green. On cold clear nights, patches of fog would start pouring out above every little creek and stream bed, filling up the fields. It almost looked like a Halloween cliche. You could picture Dracula’s carriage coming out of that fog being pulled by black horses. Only the fog was very real, and I was capturing it on my dashcam.
One night, on my way home after full dark, I passed through a large wetland preserve. The roads were narrow and poorly maintained. Swamp grass grew right up to the edge of the road, thick shrubbery in the dark behind. I don’t know what kind of trees they were, but I could make out these gray thin twisted branches coming down from above, reaching into the pools of light coming from my headlamps. Large white moth fluttering about over the road. It was the second creepiest bit of B-roll I got for the project.
The creepiest wasn’t in the valley, but in the mountains to either side of it. There are thousands of miles of old unpaved logging roads cutting through the forests. I didn’t spend a lot of time there, but after dark, it’s just cinematic gold. There isn’t any scene in the script where they’re on an unpaved logging road, but I’m sure the second Andy sees it he’s going to write in a new scene. It would be a terrible waste not to.
That’s the footage I shot for the Project. I’m not going to show anybody the last video I filmed. Part of me wants to just destroy it. Maybe that’s just selfish of me. I just know I don’t want to be part of it anymore.
Reddit has a 40k character limit, so I'll have to split this in two. I'll post the link so you can finish reading momentarily.
Part 2 at nosleep
submitted by Guilty_Chemistry9337 to EBDavis [link] [comments]

2023.03.22 08:39 Justin534 To everyone in the US please do not vote solely on who's going to be friendly to crypto

I'm reading more and more on this sub that people are going to vote for Republicans because they seem more friendly to crypto. I'm begging all you please do not vote solely on a politician's stance towards crypto.
In the aftermath of the 2008-09 financial crisis the Dodd-Frank act was passed to prevent another financial crisis from happening again.
Here is an overview of what the act accomplished and restrictions put in place to limit the risks banks could take so they would not destabilize the entire financial system again.
The passage of this act was straight down party lines with only 3 republicans voting for it in the house 237 yes votes 192 no votes. In the Senate it passed with 60 to 39 votes, again with only 3 republicans supporting it.
Then in 2018 Trump and Republicans rolled back many of the provisions in the law to safeguard the financial system and economy from banks taking too many risks.
In 2018, former President Trump signed into law a bill that made significant changes to the Dodd-Frank Act, including exempting some small and regional banks from its strictest regulations. The new law also weakened rules intended to protect big banks from collapse.
It dramatically reduced the number of banks subject to special Dodd-Frank treatment, including the number of banks that must undergo annual stress tests to demonstrate they can handle a severe downturn.
The administration said that the bill “rolls back the crippling Dodd-Frank regulations that are crushing community banks and credit unions nationwide. They were in such trouble. One size fits all—those rules just don’t work.”
Dismantling the CFPB The Trump administration took the CFPB on a long and winding journey of deconstruction since 2017.
Former CFPB director Richard Cordray resigned in November 2017 due to what many have described as political pressure from the administration. Mick Mulvaney became interim director and slowly started to loosen restrictions by calling off an investigation into subprime lenders, firing the agency’s 25-member advisory board and siding with lenders in a lawsuit against the CFPB.
In 2020, the Supreme Court ruled the director can be fired at will by the president, but the bureau itself remains constitutional.
Loosening the Volcker Rule In 2020, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) loosened restriction in the Volcker Rule. Under the revised regulation, bank capital requirements were lowered and banks were granted permission to make investments in venture-capital funds.
“While the intent of this statute is straightforward, it has been one of the most challenging post-financial crisis rules for both regulators and banking entities to implement,” said FDIC Chairman Jelena McWilliams in a statement. McWilliams added that the restrictions under the original rule were “inefficient” and “overly restrictive.”
One FDIC board member, Martin Gruenberg, a democrat, opposed the changes to the Volcker rule. Gruenberg said the changes leave the rule “severely weakened” and “risks repeating the mistakes” of the 2008 financial crisis."
The roll back of the Dodd frank act was passed with 225 republicans and 33 democrats voting in favor. Then was signed by Donald Trump.
One thing in particular I feel it's very important to point out:
The measure eases restrictions on all but the largest banks. It raises the threshold to $250 billion from $50 billion under which banks are deemed too important to the financial system to fail. Those institutions also would not have to undergo stress tests or submit so-called living wills, both safety valves designed to plan for financial disaster.
Now I want you to look at all the US Banks failing and getting lifelines right now. Silicon Valley Bank, Signature Bank, and First Republic bank all have something in common. They're all are over $50 billion in assets and less than $250 billion.
Silicon Valley Bank lobbied exactly for this to happen.
In 2015, SVB President Greg Becker submitted a statement to a Senate panel pushing legislators to exempt more banks — including his own — from new regulations passed in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. Despite warnings from some senators, Becker’s lobbying effort was ultimately successful.
Touting “SVB’s deep understanding of the markets it serves, our strong risk management practices,” Becker argued that his bank would soon reach $50 billion in assets, which under the law would trigger “enhanced prudential standards,” including more stringent regulations, stress tests, and capital requirements for his and other similarly sized banks.
Becker insisted that $250 billion was a more appropriate threshold.
What do we know about First Republic bank?
Like SVB their assets were just shy of $250 billion. Just like SVB their losses were on their top tier capital, treasury securities, simply because they did not bother to manage their interest rate risk.
Who did they give political donations to? They largely favored republicans over democrats. But they did donate to democrats too.
They also spent at least $250k solely to lobby Congress to roll back Dodd-Frank reforms which lead to the 2018 roll back.
So please please please if you're going to vote for a republican (or a democrat or anyone else) solely based on their stance towards crypto at least consider where they tend to vote in measures that could have avoided this banking crisis we now find ourselves in. Ask yourself is this person in the pockets of a financial insitution that has argued it's too small to pose a systemic financial risk - when in fact they pushed through "reforms" which lead to their failure and threaten the financial system today? Please don't find yourself voting for someone who happens to be pro crypto if the cost is also being pro banking and financial crisis.
Please do not vote for some kind of self fulfilling prophecy where crypto succeeds because everything else fails.
submitted by Justin534 to CryptoCurrency [link] [comments]

2023.03.21 14:05 DankNerd97 Addressing your concerns FAQ

Hello everyone,
We've encountered some questions concerning our goals at Rank The Vote Ohio (RTVO) and process for bringing Ranked-Choice Voting to Ohio through a ballot initiative, and we would like to break down the process that we have to go through and the steps that we are taking to ensure that RCV be placed on the ballot by 2024. (This post will be updated as necessary. Please don't hesitate to ask additional questions in the comments section).
1.) "Are you a Political Action Committee (PAC)?"
No. A PAC is a §527 organization. By contrast, Rank The Vote Ohio (RTVO) is an officially registered non-profit and non-partisan §501(c)(3)(3)_organization) organization (Empl. ID # [EIN]: 85-2353966).
2.) "Are you a left-wing or right-wing organization?"
We are neither. We are a non-partisan organization. Individual members may have and express their own political views privately or in among each other in a moderated setting, but RTVO itself adopts a strict non-partisan position. Omni-partisan support is crucial to successfully adopting RCV in Ohio.
3.) "Why can't you just put an initiative on the ballot already? Why do you need donations and volunteers?"
Our goal is to have an initiative on the ballot for voters to vote on by the 2024 General Election. Why not 2023? This process is long and involved. Per the Ohio Secretary of State website and the Ohio Attorney General website, as well as Ohio Revised Code §3519.01, we must, in brief, (i.) create a petition committee; (ii.) file an initial petition with the Ohio AG which then must be reviewed; (iii.) actually gather the signatures, of which we need over 414,000 valid signatures (equating to 3% of the total vote cast in the most recent gubernatorial election) from registered Ohio voters from 44 of the 88 Ohio counties. (Many of the signatures will probably be thrown out for one reason or another, so really we need much more than that); (iv.) meet any additional signature requirements, meet the filing deadline, and wait for the Ohio General Assembly to act (up to 4 months); (v.) prepare and file an argument and/or explanation in support of the proposed statute, and that argument along with the text of the statute must be circulated within newspapers for three consecutive weeks leading up to the election. And that's an oversimplified summary for the purposes of this post. Check the previous three links for a better breakdown. At any point in this process, legal challenges can and will be brought up. In summary, this process is arduous, and a goal of 2024 is an extremely quick turnaround.
Because Rank The Vote Ohio is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization, we run solely on donations. We don't have wealthy benefactors who support us financially. Stemming from that reason, it means that we cannot afford to pay more than a couple (single digits) of full-time employees. The rest of us (including myself) are volunteers with a passion to make some real changes in Ohio. If you cannot afford to donate to us right now, that's okay. Times are tough, and money is tight. Every citizen-led effort takes time, money, and manpower. We don't have the resources that big corporate-backed lobbies do. If we did, then we wouldn't be here. In fact, the influence of big money in politics is one of the many reasons that we're pushing so hard for this election reform in the first place. So what can you do if you can't donate? There are several actions you can take: you can sign our petition, you can volunteer, you can attend any of our upcoming events which are listed in advance on our calendar, or you can request a speaker to present to a group you're part of.
4.) "Why do you need regional chapters?"
We can't be everywhere at once. Because we need signatures from 44 of Ohio's 88 counties, it's important to have "boots on the ground" all throughout the state. The more volunteers we have, the more quickly we can secure more endorsements and signatures.
5.) "I have a job and/or a family. I don't have time or money to volunteer."
There are several actions that you can take from the comfort of your own home. These can be as mundane as liking and sharing or commenting on our posts on social media, or you can phone bank with us.
6.) "How do I know that you're a serious organization?"
For starters, we are officially registered with the IRS as a 501(c)(3) organization under EIN 85-2353966. Secondly, we have several endorsements, including some high-profile ones! We have also had several prominent people speak at our statewide meetings from both the political left and political right, including Katie Usalis from RepresentWomen and Kevin Kosar from American Enterprise Institute, both of whom support Ranked-Choice Voting. We emphasize once again that we are a non-partisan organization, and that will never change.
In conclusion:
While we understand people’s concerns, we want everyone to understand the challenges we are working through and exactly how we are working through those challenges. We are building a solid foundation that will ensure that we give Ohioans the best possible chance of having more representative and accountable candidates by means of RCV. We are inching closer every day to collecting signatures, and it's only a matter of time -- with a goal of this June. During the month of June RTVO and its partners will conduct a viability assessment in order to determine if we are ready to start circulating and collect signatures for the official petition to submit to the Ohio Attorney General.
Thank you for taking the time to read this post. Hopefully it's answered some of the big questions some of you may have. Again, if there's anything we missed, feel free to drop a question or comment below!
submitted by DankNerd97 to RankTheVoteOhio [link] [comments]

2023.03.21 01:07 Someone-u-fear Does anyone know how to site a state law in APA format?

This law is what I am trying to cite § 42-4-1103. Minimum speed regulation :: 2016 Colorado Revised Statutes :: US Codes and Statutes :: US Law :: Justia
submitted by Someone-u-fear to ask [link] [comments]

2023.03.20 23:07 PL_ADI 1947-1949// DELANOMICS 4 - Taft-Hartley Act to the Berlin Blockade

1947-1949// DELANOMICS 4 - Taft-Hartley Act to the Berlin Blockade submitted by PL_ADI to imaginaryelections [link] [comments]


Nuthin Times Nuthin May Be More Than Nuthin’: Stevie Ray Vaughn, who is doing consecutive 240- and 262-month sentences, moved for compassionate release because of COVID-19 and his record of programming. He also argued that due to decisions issued since his conviction, he could not receive nearly as high a sentence if he was convicted today.
Last week, the 7th Circuit affirmed a district court denial of his CR motion. Holding that “COVID-19 has been a fact of life for more than three years,” the 7th observed that “for prisoners who have received a vaccine, the risk of serious complications should they develop a breakthrough infection is modest. Vaughn has not provided or pointed to any medical data suggesting that his combination of conditions puts him at serious risk should he develop a breakthrough infection.”
Stevie’s argument about completing classes left the appeals court unimpressed: “Taking classes while incarcerated is common rather than extraordinary. If data showed that completion of particular classes reliably put prisoners on the path to a law-abiding life, that might satisfy the statutory requirement, but Vaughn has not supplied any information along these lines.”
As for his long sentence, the Circuit ruled that Stevie’s career offender classification, not a statutory minimum, drove the 262-month sentence and US v Ruth, the case he cited, does not affect the career-offender calculation. “At all events,” the 7th noted, “we have held that Ruth does not justify compassionate release as an indirect means to achieve retroactive application of that decision.”
An interesting aspect of the ruling is the Circuit’s endorsement that individual reasons may be aggregated to meet the “extraordinary and compelling” standard for CR: “If we conceive of ‘extraordinary and compelling reasons’ as those differentiating one prisoner’s situation from 99% of other prisoners, it is easy to see how Circumstance X could be true of only 10% of prisoners, Circumstance Y of 10%, and Circumstance Z of 10% – each insufficient to meet the threshold, but if they are independent then collectively enough to place the applicant among only 0.1% of all federal prisoners… Our point… is that no matter how the threshold is defined, a combination of factors may move any given prisoner past it, even if one factor alone does not.”
Legal Error Is Neither Extraordinary Nor Compelling: Ted Williams filed for CR because a district court treated him as having a prior conviction for unlawful drug delivery, which increased his minimum sentence to 10 years. But US v Ruth held that his conviction for delivery of cocaine in Illinois does not satisfy the criteria of a “serious drug felony” under 21 USC 841(b)(1)(B), meaning his sentence was longer than the law required.
Last week, the 7th Circuit said ‘so what?’
“As we put it in Von Vader,” the 7th said, “the sort of ‘extraordinary and compelling’ circumstance that §3582(c)(1) addresses is some new fact about an inmate’s health or family status, or an equivalent post-conviction development, not a purely legal contention for which statutes specify other avenues of relief—avenues with distinct requirements, such as the time limits in §2255(f) or the need for a declaration by the Sentencing Commission that a revision to a Guideline applies retroactively… There’s nothing ‘extraordinary’ about a legal error by a district court (or a court of appeals), and the law provides methods other than compassionate release for dealing with claims of legal error.”
US v Vaughn, Case No 22-2427, 2023 USApp LEXIS 6171 (7th Cir. Mar 15, 2023)
US v Williams, Case No 22-1981, 2023 USAppLEXIS 5877 (7th Cir. Mar 13, 2023)
The LISA Newsletter is copyright 2023, LISA Foundation.
For privacy, we use pseudonyms for people who are still incarcerated.
Your family may read our newsletter online at www.lisa-legalinfo.com. If you want to receive the newsletter, send a Corrlinks invitation to [email protected].
If you have a question, please send a new email to [email protected].
submitted by Apprehensive-Sun1215 to firststepact [link] [comments]

2023.03.18 16:14 thinkingstranger March 17, 2023

The International Criminal Court today issued an arrest warrant for Russian president Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Maria Alekseyevna Lvova-Belova, Putin’s commissioner for children’s rights, for war crimes: kidnapping Ukrainian children and transporting them to Russia. Russia does not recognize the ICC, which is established at The Hague—the government seat of the Netherlands—and for its part, the Russian government claims its deportation program is humanitarian and patriotic. The international assessment that Putin and one of his top officials have personally engaged in war crimes drives another wedge between Putin and the rest of the Russian people as over time his inability to interact successfully with the rest of the world will have growing consequences for the people at home,
The arrest warrant is unlikely to put Putin in custody any time soon. But an official charge of war crimes will make it harder for other leaders and countries to associate with the Russian regime. Chinese president Xi Jinping is scheduled to travel to Russia next week for his first visit since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Suddenly, that visit, which was fraught enough to begin with, has become more complicated.
Russia promptly announced that Putin and Xi will sign accords ushering in a “new era” of ties, while China’s foreign ministry called the trip “a visit for peace.” But the trip, coming after recent evidence that China has been supplying Russia with war materials, means its involvement with Russia could lead to sanctions against China, a hit that its currently fragile economy can’t easily absorb.
That the warrant focuses on children is also significant. Of the 123 countries that are parties to the Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court, 33 are African, 19 are in the Asia-Pacific region, 18 are in Eastern Europe, 28 are in Latin America and the Caribbean, and 25 are in Western Europe and elsewhere. All nations care about children, but the trafficking of children to serve as soldiers, sex slaves, drug mules, and so on, is an especially sensitive issue for many of the parties to the Rome Statute.
The international assessment that Putin has engaged in war crimes is significant in the United States as well, even though the U.S. is not a signatory to the Rome Statute. The American right wing has held up Putin and his attack on the secular values of democracy as a model, saying that his rejection of LGBTQ rights, for example, and his alleged embrace of Christianity show how a modern nation can reclaim what they see as traditional virtue. Putin’s arrest warrant for war crimes, centered in crimes against children, will make it harder to spin his authoritarianism as a virtue, especially as they claim their policies are designed to protect children.
The right-wing rejection of democracy was on display at a meeting of the Federalist Society in early March. Politico’s Ian Ward covered the meeting. The Federalist Society organized in the 1980s to argue that the civil rights decisions of the past several decades corrupted democracy because liberal judges were “legislating from the bench” against the wishes of actual voters. The society’s members claimed to stand for judicial restraint.
But now that their judges are on the bench, they have changed their philosophy. Last summer, after a Supreme Court stacked with Federalist Society members overturned the right to abortion, voters have tried to protect that right in the states. Now, according to Ward, the Federalist Society appears to be shifting away from the idea of judicial restraint in the face of popular votes and toward the idea that judges should “interpret the Constitution” in ways right-wing Americans support. They are quick to claim that democracy is not the answer: it would result, they say, in the tyranny of the majority.
That abandonment of democracy is about more than just voting their folks into office. Right-wing figures frustrated by the secular values of democracy—religious freedom, companies that respond to markets without interference by the state, academic freedom, public schools, free speech, equality before the law—want to restore what they consider human virtue by using the state to enforce their values.
Because they think all aspects of the modern U.S. have been corrupted by liberal democracy, people on the far right are eager to destroy those institutions and replace them. When Trump said, as he did yesterday, that “the greatest threat to Western civilization today is not Russia,” he was echoing this ideology to mobilize his followers (even though his concerns are probably less to do with civilization than with his legal issues). His call for firing “deep staters” and reconstituting “the State Department, the defense bureaucracy, the intelligence services, and all of the rest” is an explicit call to radicalize our government.
Michael Flynn, Trump’s former national security advisor, endorsed Trump’s worldview, saying “Trump is absolutely right, our greatest threat currently is right here at home. We must ‘fundamentally change’ by severely reforming the government deep state bureaucracy. They (among many parts of our USG[overnment]) represent a menace to our way of life.” (Flynn’s ties to Russia forced him out of office, and he pleaded guilty to lying about them to the FBI; Trump pardoned him.)
Flynn has been on a far-right road tour across America since shortly after Trump left office, recruiting an “Army of God” to put Christianity at the center of American life and institutions. “At this ReAwaken America Tour, Jesus is King [and] President Donald J. Trump is our president,” a co-organizer, Clay Clark, said.
Kiera Butler of Mother Jones today explained how Flynn and his conspiracy-minded supporters have leveled a hate campaign against Sarasota Memorial Hospital in Sarasota, Florida, accusing it of killing Covid patients by denying them the horse-deworming drug ivermectin. They have organized a group called The Hollow 2A to help “Americans gather to lawfully take back our country” with guns and activism at the local level. Along with two other groups, they are planning to swamp the hospital board meeting on Monday, acting as a groundswell of local activists protesting hospital malpractice when, in fact, they have joined forces to attack a hospital that adheres to guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, a government agency.
Today Ohio joined five other Republican-dominated states—Louisiana, Alabama, West Virginia, Missouri, and Florida—in leaving the Electronic Registration Information Center, a national data-sharing consortium that updates national voter rolls. Right-wing election deniers say that the bipartisan ERIC is controlled by left-wing groups that enable fraud. Those still belonging to ERIC deny all of the accusations and point out that getting rid of ERIC would get rid of one of the country’s most powerful tools for stopping individuals from voting multiple times, as a number of people from Florida’s The Villages did in 2020.
In a sworn affidavit today, the top lawyer for the Capitol Police said that neither he nor the police chief was informed that anyone other than House members would see the video footage from January 6, 2021, that House speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) permitted Fox News Channel personality Tucker Carlson and his staff to review. Republicans also ignored the Capitol Police’s repeated requests to review and approve all of the footage that Carlson used on his show. Carlson tried to present the attack on the Capitol as a tourist visit as part of his narrative that the FBI and the Department of Justice are corrupt.
But the attempt to destroy the fabric of our government has not yet succeeded. Today, in one of her last rulings before stepping down, Chief Judge Beryl Howell of the D.C. District Court ordered Trump attorney Evan Corcoran to testify in the investigation into Trump’s handling of classified documents. Howell agreed with Department of Justice prosecutors that discussions between Trump and Corcoran met the threshold for the crime-fraud exception, meaning that they are not covered by attorney-client privilege because they were part of a crime.
Meanwhile, CNN’s John Miller, as well as journalists from many other outlets, reports that sources in law enforcement are telling them that “senior staff members from the Manhattan district attorney’s office, the New York State Court Officers—who provide security at the state Supreme Court building in lower Manhattan—and the New York Police Department” have been meeting all week to prepare for a possible indictment of the former president, as early as next week.

📷Olga Lautman 🇺🇦 @OlgaNYC1211This is reprehensible. Important Stories identified 6 stolen children from Mariupol that were thrown on stage w Putin the other day. The global community must do everything to return the tens of thousands of kidnapped Ukrainian children. This is genocide 📷storage.googleapis.comНа концерте в Лужниках дети благодарили российскую армию за спасение. «Важные истории» нашли этих детейОни из Мариуполя, у двоих под обстрелами погибла мать6:27 AM ∙ Feb 25, 2023430Likes204Retweets
📷Tim Hogan 浩勤 @TimInHonoluluXi's Monday visit to Russia just got a lot more complicated. With evidence that China is violating sanctions against Russia it's possible that China could face crushing sanctions that would put China's economy in a death spiral. His only smart move is to cancel. 📷6:46 PM ∙ Mar 17, 2023129Likes52Retweets
📷Ron Filipkowski 🇺🇦 @RonFilipkowskiTrump says Russia is not a threat, our greatest threat is our American representatives, we need to reevaluate the purpose of NATO, and most of the people in the State Dept, DOD and Intel Services need to be fired so he can put the right people in. https://t.co/T6FCjIqMtr 7:17 PM ∙ Mar 16, 20238,076Likes2,172Retweets
📷Zachary Cohen @ZcohenCNNNotable endorsement of Trump’s message that’s been criticized as pro-Russia by some on right. Flynn doubles down on idea threat comes from so-called deep state, not kind of domestic extremists IC has warned about. Can’t ignore Flynn’s role in trying to overturn 2020 election. 📷2:15 AM ∙ Mar 17, 202349Likes22Retweets
submitted by thinkingstranger to HeatherCoxRichardson [link] [comments]

2023.03.18 06:19 ThrowAway7s2 Another response to Linda Wait's question (fixed with help from u/ConsciousImpact9272)

https://doorcountypulse.com/wide-range-of-topics-brought-to-rep-kitchens-listening-sessions/ says that Linda Wait asked a question to Joel Kitchens. Kitchens either didn't say everything he could have said, or maybe he did and it just wasn't reported.
So here is my response to Linda Wait's question:
In the Wizard of Oz, Glinda tells Dorothy, "You always had the power my dear, you just had to learn it for yourself". That is how it is with room tax and state law. The municipalities of the county already have the power to help the Town of Sevastopol. No one needs to wait for the state to change the law before going home to Kansas.
The law states that lodging tax not shared with the municipalities must be used for:
any of the following that are significantly used by transient tourists and reasonably likely to generate paid overnight stays at more than one establishment... that are owned by different persons and located within a municipality in which a tax under this section is in effect; or, if the municipality has only one such establishment, reasonably likely to generate paid overnight stays in that establishment
In the list for "any of the following" there are three options. #3 is:
  1. Tangible municipal development, including a convention center.
At the tourism zone commission meeting on June 3, 2021, Van Lieshout made this observation...
https://doorcountytourismzone.com/uploads/meetings/6-3-2021%20final%20minutes.pdf (page 5)
Van Lieshout replied that the thought was municipalities can apply funds against tourism related expenses and development for tourism infrastructure. Maybe a road project if you can convince yourself that it supports tourism. He believed that every municipality could identify expenses that would qualify without difficulty. We can certainly help with that, he said.
So all the municipalities have to do is to redirect some of the 70% lodging tax revenue which would otherwise go to the Tourism Zone for its own expenses and for funding Destination Door County. Instead they could use it for "tangible municipal development" purposes which are currently funded by property tax revenue. If every municipality submitted a resolution towards this end, the DCTZ would have to comply. And if it didn't, the DCTZ board members opposing them could be removed.
The Town of Sevastopol could come up with one or more projects in the town that fit as "tangible municipal development". An itemized list could be submitted to the other municipalities for consideration. If they agree, they could vote to redirect some of the 70% to fulfill the requests.
Together, all of the municipalities could coordinate the allocation of money. Maybe it would just be for roads as mentioned by Van Lieshout. I could imagine Nasewaupee and Sturgeon Bay wanting to fix the Potawatomi tower, and Washington Island wanting to repay the debt on the Mountain Park tower. Other towns could purchase and remove billboards along the Coastal Byway to make it even more scenic.
While Destination Door County might object to this, they lack the authority to say "no" to the county board. Room tax money is collected by the DCTZ because the municipalities authorize it, and it goes to Destination Door County because DCTZ authorizes it.
Are they required by law to send it to DDC?
The law saws https://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/statutes/statutes/66/vi/0615/1m/a
A tax imposed under this paragraph by a municipality shall be paid to the municipality and, with regard to any tax revenue that may not be retained by the municipality, shall be forwarded by the municipality to a tourism entity or a commission if one is created
This says that municipalities are able to "retain[]" the room tax money. In this case, that would mean getting some of the 70% from the DCTZ.
Currently, none of the 70% is retained by the municipalities.
Another part of the law says https://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/document/statutes/66.0615(1m)(d)1(d)1):
Any amount of room tax collected that must be spent on tourism promotion and tourism development shall either be forwarded to the commission for its municipality or zone if the municipality has created a commission, or forwarded to a tourism entity.
This does not stop the municipalities from receiving money back from the DCTZ. "Or zone" means that the DCTZ is enough. DDC is not required to receive the money. Instead, the Town of Sevastopol could create a municipal "tourism entity" consisting of a committee of their own board members. The "tourism entity" would be responsible for spending it on tangible municipal development within Sevastopol.
Or if it was desired, a single second "tourism entity" could be created which does nothing except forward money back to the municipalities. In this case, DCTZ would send money to two entities, DDC and a "Joint Tangible Municipal Development Tourism Entity" or whatever they want to call it, probably something that sounds better. But DDC would actually do things and the "Joint Tangible Municipal Development Tourism Entity" would just write checks back to their municipalities.
It might be possible to get DDC to go along with it by explaining it as part of sustainable tourism. Part of sustainable tourism is maintaining the wellbeing of the communities impacted by the tourism.
Diverting some of the lodging tax money away from DDC might encourage them to become fully transparent with how they currently spend it. This could press DDC to justify their budget to the municipalities during public hearings, so elected board members and ordinary citizens in attendance can weigh their needs against those of the Town of Sevastopol and others. Deeper scrutiny could make them more efficient, and eventually the benefits of the efficiency could more than outweigh the initial negative impact of having less funding.
[Note: although I was able to revise this post with constructive criticism from ConsciousImpact9272 concerning an earlier, now-deleted version of this, the responsibility for the text remains with me personally. If there are problems with this post, blame me, because ConsciousImpact9272 is not responsible for the verity, tone, wisdom, etc. of this post.]
submitted by ThrowAway7s2 to DoorCountyALT [link] [comments]

2023.03.16 20:52 Appect Issue with Nevada state public records request. How do I gain access to these records?

My public records request to a sheriff's office in Nevada was:
A copy of all emails, including all attachments sent To, CC'd or BCC'd to [Name Removed] sent from email addresses ending in @us.af.mil or @oln-afmc.af.mil dated between January 1, 2017 and December 31, 2022 and a copy of all emails, including all attachments sent from [Named Removed] sent To, CC'd or BCC'd to email addresses ending in @us.af.mil or @oln-afmc.af.mil dated between January 1, 2017 and December 31, 2022.
Apparently they found emails but they claim:
After reviewing the requested emails it has been determined pursuant to Nevada Revised Statute 239.0107, [Name Removed] County Sheriff’s Office is not the custodian of these records.
We suggest you submit a public records request to:
Air Force Compliance Division
1000 Air Force Pentagon
Washington, DC 20330-1000
Phone: (703) 693-2735
Website: https://www.compliance.af.mil/Resources/FOIA/
Email: [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected])
The issue is that there is no way I could file a FOIA with the USAF as I have no clue who this person emailed within the USAF nor do I have any dates in which the emails were sent or received. I also believe that the USAF does not have eDiscovery pull capability. With some federal gov agencies I can give them an email address of an individual that is with an outside entity and they can search all their employees emails, but I'm quite certain the USAF cannot - they need at minimum the name of the USAF servicemember. Also, the USAF deletes or at least can if they choose emails after 120 days. I did email the sheriff's department records manager suggesting perhaps they could forward these records to the USAF FOIA's office for a review and direct response to me. I just sent the email yesterday but haven't heard back. The letter also gives me the right to file an appeal with the county sheriff which will be probably my next step if I don't hear back from the records manager. But, does anyone have any other suggestions as to what I could do or maybe say to them in the appeal? I would probably call on a lawyer on this one but I have no $ to do so.
submitted by Appect to foia [link] [comments]

2023.03.16 13:16 MonasticMuff42 PPPPP.

See that up there? That's an acronym. Here's what it means. Prior planning prevents poor performance. The last guy who reminded me of it, he said it was an Air Force thing, but I don't know. It's probably been a thing since before the Air Force, probably when we came up with the assembly line.
But man, I beat myself up a bit. And I still am.10 nights on a jailhouse bunk, and it was more uncomfortable than I remembered. I got picked up trespassing, with a little dope, using a spot I knew had been burned a long time ago, or maybe I was just to sedentary and lazy and high to get up and go up the stairwelll to the roof, past the forth floor, where it went up to some little janitor's annex. Someone had brought a chair up there, and I could have sat up there for an hour or two while the cleaning staff was doing their thing, but I didn't.
I remember about a half hour, forty minutes before they came down to the basement to start cleaning, I came to in the big lecture hall, walking though the seats, with no shoes or socks and no idea what I was doing there.
What was awful was being subjected to the blind machinations of the institution. The courts. It's strange how everyone - prosecutor, defense attorney, judge, and the stenographer, even the lady translating for the gnomish paisa dude, everyone has more knowledge and experience and power of this situation than you do. But individually they behave as if completely absolved from any responsibility for the outcome. I suppose that's why most of the formalities have been dropped in the courtroom; no judge cares if you say sir or ma'am, well, not in some municipal court where the defendants looked like the residents of the doss house in Gorky's "Creatures Who Were Once Men." It's the bureaucracy, I suppose, and it's not exactly a new observation: read Kafka, etc. The whole idea of justice, it's not like it doesn't exist in some commonly accepted fashion, it's just you realize these courtroom bureaucrats are just altars and deacons and priests of the legal cult. They say the magic words, the standard sentence gets handed down, and that's that.
Unless you've got at least $5000 on hand to hire a defense attorney and all that buys you is him filing motion after motion to drag things out so the prosecutor gets tired of trying to leverage the discovery into a harsher to plea, and gives you the plea you were gonna get anyways. It's a Japanese tea ceremony, a fucking Kabuki dance, and it is a frighteningly good system for dispute resolution. And my God! The fear people have of jail, and criminal charges! I have a friend who is in his mid forties, and he's been a drug addict and an alcoholic since probably his early 20s - with some good patches here and there, like us all - and he's not (yet) a felon, even though before he got off heroin he spent two years on the streets down here. I met him when he had just gotten out of a nursing home, where he had been recovering from a near-fatal case of endocarditis, and we became fast friends at the halfway house. Anyways, every time I get locked up, I can hear the nervous rush of schadenfreude in his tone as he freaks out. Like this time, the police are long-forming the possession charge, which means I'll get summons in the mail eventually, although it would be nice if it doesn't show up, if they don't follow through - that happens sometimes, but it probably will. And K, he doesn't realize that there's no way I would serve any time on this stuff unless I violated my probation, and to be honest, I think I'm over that part of the game...
You know, what really boggles my mind is the cats who have been going in and out of the county jail and the ADC for over a decade or more, or even the street kids who have been strung out on fentanyl for the last five years and in and out on probation violations, and everyone they fuck with is on the road to permanent convict status, has been since the sixth grade, and they don't pick up on the basic patterns, the paint by numbers nature of sentencing in criminal cases. Hell, you can get the Revised Statutes in there, and it's thicker than a Gutenberg Bible, but you know how to read, it should make sense enough for you to know what you're up against when you walk in there...
And it's out. Okay. Every time I go back, every time anyone ever goes, this happens. At some point you get an overwhelming urge to tell someone about it, to explain to the them this strange land you have just returned from, where up is down and down is up and the best novel I could get a hold of was Michael Crichton, until I poached a couple Gibsons from the second trilogy but they didn't grab me like they had when I read them in high school, or freshman year or whenever. It's like, Uncle Charlie syndrome they call it? When someone comes back from overseas and goes on and on about it, and the other person just shrugs.
I will say this about the whole thing though. Read about Donnie the Punk, and tell me there hasn't been progress in that rotten institution. Nobody raped anybody or pimped anybody out for cigarettes. So when it comes down to it, you wanna know what side I'm on? The side that looks at what is here, what we are dealing with, and looks for a solution or a way to at least improve the experience of the people involved so that they experience less trauma and misery and transmit less of that to their orphan bastards and the rest of their community. You won't find me writing polemics about Gramsci or falling sway to this jaded "hard man" centrism that's just basically William Buckley going to the gym and taking pre-workout. Not me, man.
Idoru is such a beautiful song. :)
Oh, and that bit about the lawyers and the judge having more power over the process than me? I don't actually believe that now. It was in my power to stay out. It is within my power to do something good, to love myself a little beyond making my palms hairy, to act as if until I have some of the integrity that was handed down to me. I'll be okay.
submitted by MonasticMuff42 to LibraryofBabel [link] [comments]

2023.03.16 03:23 Specific-Prize-9033 What the fuck is this? Is this even legal? This is insane. Even for Florida. (If Hasan talked about it I obviously missed it)

What the fuck is this? Is this even legal? This is insane. Even for Florida. (If Hasan talked about it I obviously missed it) submitted by Specific-Prize-9033 to Hasan_Piker [link] [comments]

2023.03.16 00:30 SerbianCrusader A chance for you to contribute to my poli-fi (political fiction) world!

I am making a political fiction world, complete with a Constitution, book of revised statutes, and a fully populated 400 member legislature. Give me western sounding names, what kind of place they are from, what they believe, and I’ll put them in the State Assembly of Brucia.
submitted by SerbianCrusader to worldjerking [link] [comments]

2023.03.15 20:31 xSiberianKhatru2 #19: Rutherford B. Hayes

#19: Rutherford B. Hayes
Master Post
Previous: Ulysses S. Grant, Part 2

Rutherford B. Hayes

19th President of the United States
Republican Party (Half-Breeds)
President Rutherford B. Hayes

The Compromise of 1877

The presidential election of 1876 was held at the tail end of Reconstruction, the twelve-year period immediately following the Civil War during which the defeated South was subjected to extensive social and political reform by the North, particularly concerning the rights of its four million black freedmen. Ohio Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, the Republican nominee, intended to maintain the commitment of incumbent President Ulysses S. Grant to preserve black rights, while New York Governor Samuel J. Tilden, the Democratic nominee, did not. In most other respects, the two candidates were very similar, both favoring civil service reform and the continuation of the gold standard.
The 1876 election was held on November 7, 1876. The winners in Florida, South Carolina, and Louisiana were not immediately clear, as all three states experienced rampant fraud and violent voter suppression, respectively in favor of Governor Tilden and against black Republican voters. In December, the Electoral College received conflicting sets of results from those three states, amounting to 19 disputed electoral votes; additionally, inconsistent results were received for a single electoral vote from Oregon. These 20 votes would be decisive in determining the winner of the election, as Tilden was one vote short of the necessary 185, and Hayes was exactly twenty.
Congress had difficulty agreeing exactly how the proper winners of these votes should be determined. The Republicans, who controlled the Senate, desired that the Senate or president pro tempore determine the winner, but the Democrats (and some Republicans) disagreed. On January 26, 1877, both houses of Congress agreed to pass an act establishing a bipartisan electoral commission to determine the winners of the disputed votes. The commission would consist of five members of the House, five senators, and five Supreme Court justices, the ten congressmen being appointed by their respective houses. Four of the five justices were predetermined by the bill, with a fifth “independent” justice (intended to be Associate Justice David Davis) to be chosen by the other four. Ultimately, five of the congressmen were Republicans, and five were Democrats; two of the justices were aligned with the Democrats, and the other two with the Republicans. The Democratic legislature of Illinois attempted to secure Davis’s vote by electing him to the Senate, but Davis responded by resigning from both the Court and the commission so as to avoid threatening the impartiality of the decision. As the remaining justices on the Court were aligned with a party, the four justices could no longer choose an independent; instead, Republican-aligned Associate Justice Joseph P. Bradley was appointed to the committee.
Beginning February 1, 1877, and continuing for several weeks, arguments were held in the Supreme Court by teams of lawyers representing both candidates. But these arguments failed to sway any of the commission members, who ultimately voted along party lines on each disputed vote. Governor Hayes, by the commission’s one-vote Republican majority, was thus granted all twenty of the disputed electoral votes, enough to win the presidency by a margin of 185 to 184. The House’s Democratic majority refused to accept these results, instead initiating a filibuster on March 1 over dubious claims that the electoral votes from Vermont and Wisconsin were invalid. It is generally accepted that the House’s Democratic leadership finally ended the filibuster due to a series of backroom negotiations—in which Hayes played no part—with Democrats agreeing to accept Hayes’s victory on the condition that the military, which had enforced Reconstruction policy over the preceding decade, be fully withdrawn from the South. Although the influence of this “Compromise of 1877” remains disputed by some historians due to a lack of written records, it is known that, for one reason or another, the Democrats ended their filibuster and certified the election’s results on March 2. Hayes was inaugurated peacefully on March 4.

The End of Reconstruction

Since the end of the Civil War, a Republican-dominated Congress had imposed radical civil rights policies upon the South, guaranteeing for African Americans many of the same rights afforded to their white neighbors. New amendments to the Constitution enfranchised and made citizens of black Americans. For the first time in American history, black senators and representatives served in Congress. African Americans purchased firearms, owned private property, and served as jurors. But many white Southerners opposed racial equality, with local and state governments turning a blind eye as domestic terrorist groups conducted violent campaigns of rape and murder against thousands of innocent black Americans. Against such unending resistance, the rights granted to African Americans could only exist so long as a military existed to enforce them.
In the 1874 midterm elections, the Democrats finally regained control of the House of Representatives, breaking a fourteen-year Republican trifecta and blocking further efforts to legislate new civil rights laws. The Democrats retained this hold through the 1876 election, refusing to appropriate the funding necessary to keep an active military stationed in the South. Some Republicans, too, became disillusioned with the interventionist policies which had sapped their support and encouraged violent Southern resistance. Northerners, Democrat and Republican alike, were now far too concerned with the state of the economy to vigorously support diverting any further attention to black civil rights. By the time President Hayes took office, Reconstruction was already on its last legs; federal troops only remained at the state houses of New Orleans, Louisiana, and Columbia, South Carolina. With both congressional and popular support dwindling, and financial resources lacking, President Hayes was left with little choice but to withdraw the military from the two cities. Reconstruction officially ended on April 24, 1877, when the last federal troops left Louisiana for home.
The end of Reconstruction would be the end of civil rights for this generation of African Americans, closing a brief era of limited political freedom that would not return until the mid-twentieth century. The white South, free to impose its own will unobstructed, would inaugurate an era of racial repression reminiscent to its black subjects of antebellum America. State and local governments would enable the lynchings, rapes, and murders of black men, women, and children for many decades. The Supreme Court would join them in their campaign for white supremacy, overturning the civil rights acts passed under Reconstruction and guaranteeing protection for racial discrimination from federal law.
But Reconstruction was already over before President Hayes took office. By the time of his inauguration there had only been federal troops left in two Southern cities, who effectively enforced no laws and to whom no funding would be appropriated by the Democratic House. Too many Republicans in the North ceased supporting interventionism as their constituents, apathetic and detached from the goings on of the South, began to vote Democrat. And Hayes was too powerless to do anything.

The Great Railroad Strike

In September 1873, a series of bank runs beginning with the failure of Jay Cooke and Company initiated a six-year economic contraction that would continue throughout the first half of Hayes’s term. Unemployment rose to at least eight percent (one million people), and wages for those still employed plummeted. The output of American manufacturing declined by ten percent, with some sectors declining by as much as 45%.
The postwar railroad-building craze was brought to a screeching halt as investors ceased pouring capital into further construction. The major railroad companies, teetering on the edge of bankruptcy, were left with little choice but to cut wages for their employees, who worked twelve-hour shifts, spent days away from home, and frequently died on the job due to a lack of safety procedures and the dangerous nature of railroad work. On July 14, 1877—after experiencing three consecutive wage cuts in three years, and without any pay for the past two months of labor—angry workers for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad began striking in Martinsburg, West Virginia, halting the movement of freight trains. The company was easily able to replace these workers due to the large pool of job-seekers. But, not giving up, the strikers moved to physically block the railroads.
The unrest spread to Baltimore, where, two days later, hundreds of manufacturers began striking for higher wages. Stations were occupied by protestors in several cities across West Virginia and Maryland, with over a thousand rail cars stuck in Martinsburg alone. The strikes soon descended into violence, first with a train being thrown off its tracks in Baltimore due to malicious interference at a railroad switch, and then with strikers in Martinsburg attacking militiamen who were defending a train. On July 18, West Virginia Governor Henry M. Mathews formally requested several hundred federal troops, citing the inability of the state militia to put down the strike; President Hayes responded by sending 312 soldiers to Martinsburg along the B&O railroad. By the next morning, the situation in Martinsburg was pacified, but strikes in other cities continued to grow.
On July 20, Maryland Governor John Lee Carroll mobilized the 5th and 6th Regiments of the Maryland National Guard, armed with bayoneted rifles, who began marching toward Camden Station in Baltimore. Mobs of several thousand strikers threw bricks and stones at the soldiers, who responded by firing into the crowds. Upon reaching Camden Station, the train they had prepared was damaged beyond use by the crowd’s stones. Most of the militiamen in both regiments deserted as the mob grew to some 15,000 people, at which point it began burning trains and nearby buildings. As the chaos became unsustainable for the National Guard, Carroll requested federal assistance, and President Hayes responded by sending about 120 marines to intervene. By the end of July 21, order was mostly restored in Baltimore. Some violence continued into July 22, with fires being set at the Mount Clare Shops—which were extinguished by the marines—and the lumber yard of J. Turner & Cate, which burned down a city block. General Winfield Scott Hancock arrived that morning with some 360 reinforcements to Camden Station, and most of the remaining anarchy was suppressed by the end of the day.
Meanwhile, the most violent riots of the strike were unfolding in Pittsburgh, in which 61 people would die, 39 buildings would burn, and more than one thousand rail cars would be destroyed. The city had been frustrated for months with the higher prices of the Pennsylvania Railroad, which were stifling the transport of goods to and from Pittsburgh, and then further agitated by a ten percent wage cut in June. On July 19, company policy changes threatening to reduce the railroad’s workforce by half, combined with the growing unrest in Baltimore, pushed the workers in Pittsburgh to initiate a strike of their own. That morning, a group of strikers began an occupation of the main railway, which grew throughout the day into a full blockade of all railroad traffic by more than a thousand strikers.
The crowd grew by another thousand strikers the next day. Local law enforcement, sympathetic with the workers, refused to suppress the strikes. On the afternoon of July 21, about 600 men from the Pennsylvania National Guard’s First Division arrived in Pittsburgh with bayoneted rifles and two Gatling guns; by now, the mobs had grown to have more than 10,000 rioters. Some of the soldiers, after being attacked with rocks and fired upon by armed strikers, began firing into the crowd, killing at least ten people. But this only further angered the mob, which began to loot shops and armories as the soldiers retreated. Troops stationed at a railway roundhouse were fired upon while escaping the massive fires set by rioters. The next day, as rioters destroyed more than 100 locomotives, 2,000 railroad cars, and numerous buildings, Pennsylvania Governor John Hartranft requested federal assistance from President Hayes; the president responded with reinforcements only after receiving confirmation that the state’s ability to suppress the strikes had been exhausted. On July 23, the troops were reorganized under General James S. Negley, with President Hayes sending several thousand more federal troops over the following week as order was gradually restored.
News of the strikes began to spread westward, inspiring further unrest. On July 24, a strike organized by the socialist Workingmen’s Party of the United States began in St. Louis, demanding increased wages and eight-hour work days. Several thousand strikers gathered as workers across multiple railway companies stopped working. Mobs of strikers dismantled more than forty factories around the city to prevent people from working. Thousands of citizens agitated by the strikes, in conjunction with local law enforcement and the state militia, worked to suppress the strikes over the next several days. President Hayes rejected requests to supply troops, believing the local and state forces sufficient. He did deploy troops to Chicago, where tens of thousands of strikers were exchanging stones for bullets from overwhelmed law enforcement, restoring peace in the city by July 25.
On July 27, B&O freight trains again left Camden Station. After several days of anarchy, the chaotic mobs of strikers—which had started miles of conflagrations, caused millions of dollars in property damage, and resulted in about one hundred deaths across several states—had finally been dispersed. President Hayes had dispatched his troops carefully and conservatively, and only when certain that the local and state governments could not handle the strikes themselves. Federal troops, unlike some of their state counterparts, had not caused any harm to protestors or damage to property, largely ending the strikes through their presence alone. And Hayes himself received much backlash from pro-business politicians for his cautious and restrained response. Despite his moderate interest in supporting workers, however, Hayes never developed a meaningful pro-labor policy to implement.
None of the strikers’ demands were immediately met, with the B&O Railroad maintaining that it did not have enough work to give the large number of workers it had employed, and thus needed to spread work and wages thin to avoid laying them off. But, over the next three years, most of the wage cuts were reversed, and working conditions were improved. B&O made additional concessions, permitting a quarter day’s pay for workers whose trains did not arrive, and agreeing not to call workers until an hour before their train departed. But this was only the beginning for the labor movement, just having found its power, and the first of several major strikes over the following decades. While the Posse Comitatus Act, signed a year later, would inhibit the capacity for future presidents to intervene so directly, private companies and local law enforcement would be much better prepared.

Saving the Enforcement Acts

Republican support for curbing the president’s strikebreaking powers in the wake of the Great Railroad Strike allowed a relatively bipartisan Congress to pass the Posse Comitatus Act on June 15, 1878. The act would block the president from using the military for domestic purposes except when enforcing federal laws or otherwise authorized by Congress. President Hayes, who had favored a limited response to the railroad strikes, signed the act three days later.
In the November 1878 midterm elections, the Democrats won a majority in the Senate, gaining control of both houses of Congress for the first time since the 1856 elections. Although they now only held a plurality in the House—their majority having been frustrated somewhat by the inflationary Greenback Party—the Democrats had finally attained a position of sufficient power to begin pushing their own bills through Congress. Only the president could foil them.
In 1870 and 1871, a heavily Republican Congress had passed several Enforcement Acts, banning domestic terrorist organizations from engaging in violent voter suppression efforts, as was then common against black voters, while authorizing the president to respond to such efforts militarily. But the Democratic Congress of Hayes’s era was past those obsolete Reconstructionist statutes, and resolved to repeal it. The Posse Comitatus Act, though not itself a threat to the already codified Enforcement Acts, opened the opportunity upon which the Democrats would try to capitalize; if the Enforcement Acts could be successfully repealed, the Posse Comitatus Act would block the president from protecting black voters threatened by terror and violence.
In his second annual address to Congress on December 2, 1878, following the widespread racial violence of the midterm elections, President Hayes called for sufficient military funding to execute the Enforcement Acts. Instead, on April 25, 1879, the Democratic Congress passed an army spending bill with an attached provision repealing the acts. Hayes responded with a veto, which the Democrats failed to override. Days later, Congress passed a full bill restricting the president from enforcing the acts except when asked by a state’s government; knowing the Southern state governments would never request such enforcement, Hayes vetoed the bill. Congress tried a third time, adding a similar provision to an appropriations bill, but was met with a third veto. In June, Congress passed a bill blocking payments to the deputy marshals who enforced voting protections, which Hayes again vetoed. Finally, Congress passed appropriations bills without any provisions relating to the Enforcement Acts, which Hayes promptly signed before vetoing a fifth bill with another provision defunding the deputy marshals. Two years later, in 1881, Hayes would block two more acts that would have weakened voting protections in the South. Although the law would rarely be invoked over the following decades as Hayes desired, he had done as much as his power permitted; the Enforcement Acts would stay in place, remaining a basis for civil rights enforcement to the present day.

The Nez Percé War

On June 9, 1855, the Nez Percé tribe signed a treaty with the U.S. government, granting them 7.7 million acres of land within the Oregon, Idaho, and Washington territories. The treaty forbade white settlement in Nez Percé land, but, when several thousand miners began flocking to a newly discovered Idaho gold site in 1860, the government did nothing to stop them. Instead, federal agents coerced the Nez Percé into another treaty, shrinking their share of the land to only 760,000 acres in Idaho. Chief Lawyer, the primary signatory of that 1863 treaty, was not a proper representative of the Nez Percé, who coexisted as a system of disjoint bands rather than a unified Indian tribe with one leader. Many Nez Percé rejected the treaty, such as Chief Joseph, who tried in vain to retain his ancestral lands in the Wallowa Valley. On May 14, 1877, U.S. General Oliver Otis Howard ordered the remaining Nez Percé to move to the Idaho reservation.
While Chief Joseph and the other chiefs—Looking Glass and White Bird—initially acquiesced, a violent attack by some rogue Nez Percé which killed nearly twenty white settlers abruptly changed the character of the situation. General Howard ordered a retaliatory attack on June 17, which was unexpectedly repelled by the outnumbered Nez Percé in the Battle of White Bird Canyon. Over the next five months, the roughly 750 Nez Percé retreated more than one thousand miles through Idaho and Montana, fending off a combined 2,000 American soldiers over a series of major battles and engagements. The Nez Percé finally surrendered on October 5 after succumbing to a surprise attack at the Battle of Bear Paw. U.S. General William T. Sherman forcibly relocated the Nez Percé to the swamps at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas—riddled with diseases like malaria and cholera—nearly 2,000 miles from their homeland. Chief Joseph would never return to live in the Wallowa Valley, dying instead at the Colville Indian Reservation in 1904.
Under preceding administrations, innumerable Native American tribes had been marched from their lands to reservations—for some, to protect them from the tides of westward white settlers; for others, to free up land from “barbaric” Indians for “civilized” white settlers. The War Department brutally believed the latter, and the Nez Percé War was no exception to its relentless pursuit of Indian removal. President Hayes, though lacking the belligerence of his generals, privately believed the Nez Percé should surrender and submit to relocation, and so a peaceful solution was never realized.
But the president later adopted a more sympathetic stance. In December 1877, President Hayes began pushing Congress to supply livestock and agricultural goods to Indian reservations while openly labeling most of the country’s Indian wars unjust. The Interior Department, under Interior Secretary Carl Schurz, launched successful investigations into the Bureau of Indian Affairs, cleansing it of officials who had been bribed by contractors into allowing the injustices like those which had precipitated the Nez Percé War. Hayes blocked efforts by the Union Pacific Railroad to construct tracks through the Fort Hall Reservation in Idaho. In the Washington Territory, Hayes ordered the military to protect the Sinkiuse-Columbia from white settlers, although they were later relocated about a hundred miles northwest. In 1878, Hayes signed legislation allowing Native Americans to serve as police on their own reservations, an act that noticeably reduced crime between Indians. And, in 1880, Hayes returned Nebraska land to the Ponca tribe, which had previously been forced by Congress onto the Indian Territory in modern-day Oklahoma.

The Guard of Gold

The enactment of the 1873 Coinage Act—which had effectively ended the minting of silver currency in an effort to reduce inflation—briefly worsened economic conditions for many Americans in the midst of the Long Depression. In the West, silver miners were troubled by the accelerating decline of silver’s market value. In the South, farmers suffered from low crop prices as the growth of the nation’s money supply slowed down. Debtors everywhere could no longer rely so much on inflation to ease the debts they owed. The 1875 Specie Payment Resumption Act, which mandated the government buyback of more than twenty percent of the country’s inflationary greenbacks for gold, further exacerbated the currency issue.
On February 21, 1878, Congress passed the 1878 Bland-Allison Act, requiring the U.S. Treasury to purchase between $2 and $4 million in silver each month for immediate release into circulation. The act was inherently inflationary, expanding the money supply and standardizing a silver dollar worth only 90 cents on the market. President Hayes was wary of the measure, fearing the consequences higher inflation would have on the foreign investments critical to America’s growing industrial development. Creditors from Europe (which was mostly on the gold standard) would not be so willing to invest in American railroads, for example, if they knew they would be paid back later in less valuable money. Furthermore, while the Resumption Act had encouraged investors confident in the nation’s sound-money economy to lower their interest rates, the president believed an inflationary act would reverse those rates and worsen the ongoing depression. Hayes therefore chose to veto the bill on February 28, but Congress overrode it later that day. Still, Hayes directed Treasury Secretary John Sherman to purchase no more than the minimum required amount of gold, keeping the act’s inflationary consequences as low as Congress had allowed.
Before the silver purchases began, the economy had already visibly recovered from the Long Depression. Six years of fiscal responsibility and sound-money policy had allowed the government to gradually recover from a major global recession without any substantially inflationary policies. The mileage of new railroad tracks more than quadrupled between 1878 and 1882, as controlled inflation allowed investors to lend money to railroad companies at low interest rates. Although Southern farmers and Western miners would continue to clamor for inflationary policy amid declining prices, President Hayes, wisely continuing the fiscal austerity of his predecessor, would leave the American economy in a state far more prosperous overall than any since the Civil War.

Civil Service Reform

Both the widespread corruption that defined the Gilded Age and the political brawl surrounding it were at full strength when President Hayes took office in 1877. Much of the era’s Republican Party was divided into two factions: the Stalwarts, led by Senator Roscoe Conkling, who favored the old spoils system of granting jobs to party supporters; and the Half-Breeds, their relatively meritocratic opponents. Hayes’s pursuit of civil service reform was repeatedly blocked by Conkling and his Stalwart followers, who sought to protect the patronage system and maintain corruption in government.
Outside Washington, there were few federal jobs more spoiled than the collector of the Port of New York, a lucrative position held since 1871 by Stalwart Republican and Conkling crony Chester A. Arthur. As collector of the busiest port in America—which collected some seventy percent of the nation’s customs revenue—Arthur had the unique privilege of suspiciously earning the federal government’s highest annual compensation: more than $50,000 (before Congress forced him into a fixed $12,000 salary in 1874). To support his Stalwart friends, Arthur regularly forced campaign contributions out of his one thousand subordinates while permitting millions of dollars in goods connected to Conkling’s allies to enter duty-free. All of those subordinates were already supporters of Conkling, of course, for Arthur would allow no one else a job at the port.
On April 23, 1877, the Hayes administration sanctioned a commission under the Treasury Department to investigate the New York Custom House. On May 24, the Jay Commission reported that Collector Arthur’s custom house had hundreds of excess employees, recommending a twenty percent reduction in staff. It also revealed a widespread network of bribery, to which Arthur pleaded ignorance. President Hayes did not immediately act, giving Arthur a chance to reform his office, but the collector made no such effort. On June 22, Hayes issued an executive order prohibiting “assessment[s] for political purposes” on government officials and barring public servants from managing “political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns”; Arthur ignored the order. Finally, on September 6, Hayes asked Arthur to resign, but the request was refused. Still, Hayes submitted nominations to replace Arthur and his cronies—surveyor Alonzo B. Cornell and naval officer George H. Sharpe—but was rebuffed by Senator Conkling, who used his power as chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee to block the appointments. Hayes tried again in December 1877, but his replacement of Arthur was rejected on a 31-25 vote in the Senate.
Undeterred, the Treasury Department established a second committee to investigate the custom house in March 1878. Unlike the preceding Jay Commission, the new Meredith Committee found evidence of corruption at the highest offices, charging Chief Deputy John Lydecker with fraud and Collector Arthur himself with neglect in a report to President Hayes on June 25. On July 11, with the Senate in recess and Arthur’s appeals to ignorance unconvincing, Hayes fired Arthur, appointing port surveyor Edwin A. Merritt in his place. By the time Congress reconvened in December, Collector Merritt’s reforms had noticeably improved efficiency at the custom house, encouraging a number of senators who had rejected Hayes’s previous nomination to reconsider the issue. Ignoring efforts by Senator Conkling to restore Arthur to the collectorship, the Senate officially confirmed Merritt’s appointment on February 3, 1879, by a 33-24 vote.
The successful replacement of New York’s corrupt port collector was considered a victory by reformers, as the policies implemented by Collector Merritt gradually reversed the declining revenues of the nation’s busiest customs house at the expense of the openly corrupt Stalwarts. But, despite his victory, President Hayes did not pursue further civil service reform at a national level, leaving the effort to future administrations. And, although he asked Merritt not to give special consideration to “recommendation[s]” by Secretary Sherman, Hayes allowed patronage to remain a key instrument of political power in the Treasury Department through the rest of his term.

Foreign Policy

The six-year conflict between Paraguay and the Triple Alliance of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay—known both as the Paraguayan War and the War of the Triple Alliance—ended in 1870 with a decisive victory for the Triple Alliance, long before President Hayes took office in 1877. Territorial disputes between Paraguay and its adversaries continued, however, with the February 1876 Machaín-Irigoyen Treaty failing to settle the border between Paraguay and Argentina; specifically, both countries claimed ownership over a large region between the Verde and Pilcomayo rivers. In 1878, the two parties turned to President Hayes to act as an arbitrator on the issue. Hayes carefully considered arguments from both parties before awarding the territory to Paraguay, which now constitutes some one-fifth of the country’s total area. The grateful Paraguayan government named its third-largest administrative division, which covers much of the awarded area, “Presidente Hayes”, where he remains a larger figure today than he does in the country over which he once presided.
On January 18, 1878, President Hayes signed a treaty establishing a naval base on the Samoan island of Tutuila in northeastern Oceania, strengthening the American presence in Samoa against increasing British and German influence. The naval base was established at Pago Pago Harbor—one of the largest natural harbors in the world—and functioned as a critical fueling station for American vessels in the South Pacific. It remains America’s only inhabited territory below the equator.
In May 1879, at the Congress International d’Etudes du Canal Interoceanique in Paris, French entrepreneur Ferdinand de Lesseps—who had organized the construction of the Suez Canal between the Mediterranean and Red Seas—proposed the construction of a canal across Panama, to be developed over the following decade. France’s effort to acquire such economic power in the Western Hemisphere, especially so soon after its failed invasion of Mexico in the 1860s, concerned President Hayes, who denounced the project before Congress as both a threat to American national security and an unwelcome intervention into American affairs. On January 9, 1880, Hayes sent two ships southward to begin establishing naval bases at both ends of the proposed canal, but Congress refused to appropriate the $200,000 necessary to establish them. The issue was further aggravated for the Hayes administration when, in late 1880, Navy Secretary Richard Thompson accepted the presidency of an American committee for the canal formed by de Lesseps; Hayes immediately fired him. Although construction of the canal would continue beyond his administration, Hayes’s rhetoric in its initial stages of development would prevent de Lesseps from receiving enough funding from American investors, contributing to the eventual failure of the project. It would also influence later interpretations of the Monroe Doctrine, in which the United States would pursue a more direct role in Latin American affairs.

Miscellaneous Policies

Violence along the country’s southern border was rampant in 1877 as groups of Mexican bandits repeatedly launched raids into southern Texas. On June 1, President Hayes authorized General Edward Ord to militarily suppress these raids, permitting his troops to cross the border into Mexico if necessary. This angered Mexican President Porfirio Díaz, who responded by sending Mexican troops to the border. Avoiding a violent escalation, Hayes reached an agreement with Díaz to jointly combat the raids. He withdrew the order permitting U.S. troops to enter Mexico in February 1880, as the joint effort between the two presidents had successfully secured the border for the time being.
In 1868, the Johnson administration had signed the Burlingame-Seward Treaty with Qing China, lifting long-time restrictions on Chinese immigration across the Pacific. Over the following decade, the number of Chinese Americans surged from 64,000 to 105,000, the vast majority of whom performed manual labor for lower wages than their white counterparts. Jobless white Westerners became increasingly bitter—especially during the Long Depression—blaming Chinese immigrants for their own economic misfortunes. Discrimination against Chinese Americans often became violent, with nineteen being massacred in an 1871 Los Angeles lynching and another four being killed in an 1877 San Francisco riot. And, in 1875, a federal government reflective of rising Sinophobia entirely banned the immigration of Chinese women. In February 1879, under the Hayes administration, a Congress now seeking to curb the immigration of Chinese men passed an act modifying the Burlingame Treaty by forbidding any ship entering the United States from carrying more than fifteen Chinese immigrants. President Hayes vetoed the “Fifteen Passenger Bill”, publicly citing his disagreement with the illegally one-sided modification of a bilateral treaty instead of any actual opposition to restrictions on Chinese immigration. Privately, Hayes did consider such restrictions “with favor”, attempting to justify his perspective with fear that Chinese immigrants would endanger themselves by living with hostile white oppressors, and so he acted to enable Congress to continue its course. The next year, Hayes sent a formal commission to China, led by University of Michigan President James Burrill Angell, to renegotiate the Burlingame Treaty. The Angell Treaty, signed on November 17, 1880, and ratified in May 1881, permitted the United States to pass legislation limiting immigration for most Chinese laborers, precipitating the much harsher restrictions that would take effect in the 1880s.
On January 25, 1879, President Hayes signed the 1879 Pension Arrears Act, retroactively paying pensions for Civil War veterans from the date of their retirement rather than that of their pension application. On October 15, President Hayes signed the 1879 Lockwood Bill, permitting women to argue cases before the Supreme Court.

Hayes Leaves Office

As a candidate in the 1876 presidential election, Hayes had promised to serve only one term if elected. In 1880, he fulfilled his promise, choosing against running for re-election. The Republican National Convention consequently became an open battleground for the nomination. Former President Grant, Maine Senator James G. Blaine, and Secretary Sherman led the three largest factions for 35 ballots, but none could gain the necessary majority of votes. The deadlocked convention finally broke when, on the thirty-fourth ballot, supporters of both Blaine and Sherman coalesced behind Ohio Representative James A. Garfield, a Half-Breed. Chester Arthur, now the chairman of New York’s Republican Party, was nominated as Garfield’s Stalwart running mate to balance the ticket. Garfield defeated the Democratic nominee, General Winfield Scott Hancock, on November 2, and President Hayes stepped down for his Republican successor on March 4, 1881.
Despite his steady character and principled views, President Hayes did not accomplish much of note during his term. Personifying the caretaker presidency, Hayes sought more to preserve national stability—through his measured response to the Great Railroad Strike, his vetoing of legislation that threatened the gold standard, and his securing of the southern border—than to launch any major initiatives. Hayes’s most influential policies would culminate under his successors, both in the civil service reform he pursued and the future immigration restrictions his treaty enabled. Although forced by Congress to forsake the freedman, whose continuing plight would soon fall out of public awareness, Hayes would leave the rest of the country and its markedly recovered economy in a condition decidedly better than he had gained it.
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2023.03.15 17:48 Clementine2183 Anti-Recidivism Pilot Program: The Want To Change Program

I want to be an advocate for incarcerated individuals. To do this I have created my very own pilot program that needs your support and advocacies. Long Term Agenda : I need your help. Free society people can petition our governor and legislature to make a change. We must petition our governor and legislature, under the First Amendment to : Have Oregon Unemployment Department expand it's current 38 field offices within the State of Oregon, by expanding inside Oregon Department of Corrections, inside the main release centers for the West and East sides of the State of Oregon. If both Oregon State Penitentiary and Snake River Correctional Institution have a new pilot program, Oregon Unemployment Department field offices integrated into each facility, then: (1) Oregon Unemployment Department agents will be at each facility (2) Oregon Unemployment Department classes will be onsite, for Resume builder workshops (3) Oregon Unemployment Department job searches, with job fairs for Second Chance employers to visit each institution will be available. An Oregon Unemployment Department & Oregon Department of Corrections Partner Project: This will be geared toward inmate reform to ensure that the changes each inmate he or she made, will continue to be positive and impactful upon their release, by offering opportunities for pre-employment in some instances. If an inmate shows a rigorous dedication to the program, then he will receive new opportunities to find gainful employment and to make money when he is released. Often an inmate is released and then he comes right back within 90 days. A new program such as this one, will change that kind of recidivism, if you acknowledge that the inmate learns new and positive habits while incarcerated, that are associated with routine. Then you can make the inference that a continued routine upon release that is structured, is going to align with the reform that took place while the inmate was incarcerated. Reasonably, this extends to pre-employment for application of your inferences, that is particular to the inmate having employment while he is incarcerated, this making up anywhere from 20% to 60% of his daily activity. This will account for the amount of structured activity upon the inmates release, or lack thereof, if we do not implement this new suggested change in our prison system. This is a deficit that must be addressed for Oregon's Social Reforms. This is sustainability through gainful employment. Program Name: THE WANT TO CHANGE This will need inmate driven support groups inside. This will have inmates making sure that their other peers remain driven about participating in the program. This will further ensure the program's success with Oregon Unemployment Department. Inmate Focus Group : The focus group will talk about social patterns within the prison system that do not promote ''the want to change''. As humans, we cycle a series of patterns that do not cumulatively give us our desired outcomes. In an inmate focus group, inmates can focus on : (1) daily patterns (2) weekly patterns (3) monthly patterns If each participant writes out one undesirable pattern, they can identify from each one of these categories, that would help them to promote ''the want to change'', then they can identify that pattern to the group. The inmates can then have a weekly focus group to relate both inner struggles and progress. This will be beneficial for each inmate who participates.
An Employer's Work Opportunity Tax Credit (WOTC) - Guide Work Opportunity Tax Credit The WOTC program provides businesses with a federal tax credit when they hire certain target group members. For most WOTC certified new hires, an employer claims a credit of up to $2,400.00 ; however , this may go up to $9,600.00 for some service-connected disabled veterans. How can you participate? To qualify for the tax credit, an employer must apply for and receive an employer certification. 1. have the potential new hire complete page one of the Pre-screening Notice (IRS form 8850) by the day of job offer. 2. if the new employee indicates potential WOTC eligibility on page one of form 8850, complete page two of this form. 3. complete the ETA-9061 form 4. mail the completed forms 8850 and 9061 and any supporting documents to: Oregon Employment Department WOTC Unit, Room 201 875 Union Street NE Salem, OR 97311 Important! These forms must be mailed within 28 calendar days of the employees start date. The timeliness of the request is determined by the postmark date. If the request is timely and the applicant is eligible, an employer certification will be returned to the business authorizing the tax credit. At the end of the tax year , claim the credit on your WOTC certified employees by completing IRS form 5884. The general information below is broken into two areas, veterans and non-veterans. New hires from one of these veteran groups may qualify you for the WOTC. The maximum tax credit for these target groups ranges from $2,400.00 up to $9,600.00. - veterans receiving Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). - veterans unemployed for any 4 weeks in the year period to hire. - veterans with a service-connected disability. New hires from one of these non-veteran groups may qualify you for the WOTC. The maximum tax credit for these target groups ranges from $1,200.00 up to $9,000.00. - member of family receiving Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). - member of family receiving Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). - summer youth from 16 to 17 years old living in an enterprise zone. - Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program - Vocational Rehabilitation referrals. - Ex-felons recently convicted or released. - Supplemental Security Income (SSI) recipients. For more information and required forms, please contact the Oregon Employment Department at 1-800-237-3710 and ask for the Work Opportunity Tax Credit coordinator. You may visit online to access detailed information and required forms. Go online: Leagle.com The Oregon Revised Statutes (ORS) or Oregon Administrative Rules (OAR) you may encounter, their full definitions can be located here online. Get : Oregon Start a Business Guide; and separately Oregon Employer's Guide at [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected])
/s/ Russell A. Clemo Dated: 1/10/2023
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2023.03.15 03:14 Ryoohki166 (Ohio) are privately contracted surveyors allowed to enter my front yard and place marking flags/stakes without prior permission?

The other day I noticed a private surveying company doing work all over my neighborhood. It appears they’ve been contracted by the city to do some surveying.
Yesterday we noticed men rummaging right by our front windows with devices and then placing flagged wooden stakes in the ground.
I looked to Ohio Revised Code for trespassing and littering and feel as though the unauthorized permission constitutes a violation of both statutes (despite their intent to do work).
Additionally, I looked to see if there were any special exceptions for public work such as surveyors. All I found was that surveyors do not have an exception.
I understand that the tree-lawn is a public easement, not owned by the homeowner and is traversable especially by public workers.
But my front yard is certainly not an easement. It’s curtilage to access the doodoorbell. (Not to access my bushes to place unwanted stakes).
I understand they’re doing their job, but I feel as though they should have asked and obtained permission before using equipment and placing stakes and flags.
submitted by Ryoohki166 to legaladvice [link] [comments]

2023.03.14 18:32 LeeOblivious Does the local police/sheriff enforce bumper height on jacked up trucks?

I've seen lots of pickup trucks around lately that are clearly above the 22 inch height limit for the bottom of the bumper on non-commercial vehicles. As this is a big safety issue for other motorists and pedestrians has law enforcement cracked down at all on them? Missouri Revisor of Statutes - Revised Statutes of Missouri, RSMo Section 307.172 is rather clear on the requirements. And it is a class C misdemeanor.
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2023.03.13 16:41 Clementine2183 My Theoretical Engineering: You can develop, market and patent

My Theoretical Engineering: You can develop, market and patent
Water Purification Tablet: Purifies water from streams, rivers, ponds, lakes, that contains bacteria, viruses, giardia and cryptosporidium. This then becomes clean drinking water or water that can be used to prepare food.
Directions: Simply drop a water purifcation tablet into water, that contains bacteria, viruses, giardia, cryptosporidium and sediment. It then takes up to 240 minutes before that water can then be ingested safely. This is existing water purifcation tablet technology.
My Theoretical Engineering: New Ingredients 1) Multivitamin – iron free (water soluble) 2) Vitamin B12 (water soluble) 3) Flax seed (water soluble)
As a Second Stage: Vitamin Mix creates vitamin water (new)
Vitamin mix for vitamin infused water. This powder must be packaged with the individual tablet, within a separately sealed section of the package. *Add to water following the purifcation process.
Functionality: New ingredients
A multivitamin-iron free within a survival situation, this helps the individual person with biological sustainability, Vitamin B12 gives the person energy, and flaxseed repairs strained or damaged joints and creates cartilage regeneration.
New Prototype: Diagrams for manufacturing
Locate and obtain existing water purifcation tablet manufacturing diagrams. The 3 new ingredients can be added to those diagrams that are indicated herein. The exact formula can be calibrated. Get FDA approval. Apply for patents, for U.S. Patent and optional U.S. Manufacturing Patent.
U.S. Patents: Directions
A patent is an exclusive property right to an invention and is issued by the “Commissioner of Patents and Trademarks”, U.S. Department of Commerce. It gives an inventor the right to exclude others from making, using, or selling the invention in the United States, its territories, and possessions.
The USPTO has a patent search tool online that you can use for a preliminary patent search.
U.S. Patent information, the application process, and forms for applying for a patent are available online at the, “United States Patent and Trademark Office”.
Suggested Market: Military This can be sold to private defense contractors who supply international military efforts.
See Existing Military Water Purifcation Tablet: Rothco Chlor-Floc Water Purifcation Tablet. 30 tablets per box. Retail cost: $14.95, ie., *(without vitamins).
Go Online: Leagle.com Locate United States law, the Oregon Revised Statutes (ORS), or the Oregon Administrative Rules (OAR) you may encounter, get their full definitions.
Get: Oregon Start a Business Guide; and separately, Oregon Employers Guide at: [email protected]
Need Help: Inventhelp.com Locate help for developing your invention and understanding the process.
/s/ Russell A. Clemo Date: 3/6/2023 Edit Add Photos/Videos
submitted by Clementine2183 to Patents [link] [comments]

2023.03.11 10:53 JamesJerryLewis [Curseofstrahd] Curse of Strahd: Reloaded - Fil de compilation

Bienvenue sur le fil de compilation de Curse of Strahd : Reloaded, où vous pouvez accéder à tous les chapitres publiés jusqu'à présent pour mon guide de campagne CoS : Reloaded & compendium de révision ! Vous trouverez ci-dessous les liens Google Doc pour tous les chapitres déjà publiés, ainsi que des notes concernant les articles à venir et en cours de rédaction.
Si vous avez des commentaires concernant cette série, ou des questions concernant les futurs articles, laissez un commentaire ci-dessous, et je ferai de mon mieux pour vous répondre dès que possible ! Merci de votre lecture, et un grand merci à tous mes collègues DM de la CoS et aux contributeurs pour toutes les merveilleuses révisions et guides qui ont été postés dans cette communauté et dans d'autres. Sans vous, rien de tout cela ne serait possible <3
Qu'est-ce que Curse of Strahd : Reloaded?
Basé en grande partie sur ma série Lessons from Running the Game, Curse of Strahd : Reloaded explorera les révisions, les suppressions et les ajouts au module CoS sculptés à partir de mes propres expériences, de celles d'autres DM, et d'une foule d'articles et d'analyses rédigés par un certain nombre de merveilleux créateurs de contenu à travers ce subreddit et l'Internet en général. Mon espoir est que CoS : Reloaded servira de recueil unificateur unique pour une révision globale cohérente et narrativement satisfaisante du module original Curse of Strahd, incluant un ensemble de ressources qui aideront les DM à adapter et à personnaliser la campagne pour répondre aux besoins de leur table spécifique.
Une fois ce guide terminé, j'espère combiner ses nombreux chapitres en un seul document organisé, formaté en Homebrewery et exporté au format PDF. Bien qu'il soit peu probable que cela se produise dans un avenir proche, gardez l'œil ouvert - cela pourrait arriver plus tôt que vous ne le pensez !
En attendant, vous pouvez me suivre sur Twitter @DragnaCarta, et regarder ma campagne 100% RAW Curse of Strahd "Twice Bitten" (avec cinq DM CoS dans une aventure d'horreur gothique axée sur les personnages) ici. Vous pouvez également me soutenir sur Patreon pour bénéficier d'avantages intéressants, tels que des conseils et un encadrement personnels, un accès anticipé aux guides et articles, des plans et modèles de session, et bien plus encore !
Publié & Chapitres à venir
Introduction : Vous voulez donc jouer à Curse of Strahd : Une introduction à la préparation (et au déroulement) du jeu
Préface : Vous voulez donc jouer à Curse of Strahd : L'abécédaire du joueur pour profiter du jeu
Chapitre 0 : Accroches d'aventure PDF couleur
Chapitre 1 : Maison de la mort PDF couleur
Chapitre 2 : Le village de Barovia PDF couleur Version 1.1 Dernière révision mai 2022
Chapitre 3 : Le campement de Tser Pool
Chapitre 4 : Le vieux Bonegrinder
Chapitre 5 : La ville de Vallaki Version 2.0 Dernière révision 2020
Chapitre 6 : Le magicien des vins
Chapitre 7 : Yester Hill Version 2.1 Dernière révision octobre 2021
Chapitre 8 : Argynvostholt
Chapitre 9 : La tour de Van Richten
Chapitre 10 : Le village de Krezk
Chapitre 11 : L'antre du loup-garou
Chapitre 12 : Le col de Tsolenka
Chapitre 13 : Le Temple d'Ambre
Chapitre 14 : Les ruines de Berez
Chapitre 15 : Château de Ravenloft
Annexe A : Fortunes de Ravenloft PDF couleur
Annexe B : Rencontres aléatoires & Régions de Barovia
Annexe C : Points de repère sur la route de Svalich
Annexe D : Rencontres avec le diable (recherche en cours)
Annexe E : Comment organiser les défis de compétences
Annexe F : Faire face à Strahd au combat
Annexe G : Développer la relation entre Strahd et Ireena
Annexe H : Les Vestiges & Pouvoirs obscurs
Annexe I : Blocs de statuts révisés pour Strahd & les Mariés
Annexe J : Les Fanes de Barovia
Annexe K : Une histoire complète de la 5e édition de Barovia
Annexe L : Calculateur automatique de temps de parcours de Barovia
submitted by JamesJerryLewis to enfrancais [link] [comments]